Trump fought to keep the ballroom fundraising contract secret. Here’s what’s in it.

The agreement governing hundreds of millions in private donations was kept secret until a watchdog group sued and a judge ordered it disclosed.

Construction cranes loom over the area where the East Wing of the White House once stood, in February. (Peter W. Stevenson/The Washington Post)

By Jonathan Edwards and 

Dan Diamond

The Trump administration’s contract governing hundreds of millions of dollars in private donations to build President Donald Trump’s White House ballroom shields donors’ identities, excludes the White House from conflict of interest protections and was disclosed only after a lawsuit and a judge’s order, records obtained by The Washington Post show.

The agreement establishing the legal and financial framework for the planned $400 million undertaking — the most significant change to the White House in decades — was signed in early October, less than two weeks before demolition crews started destroying the East Wing. Public Citizen, a government watchdog organization, sued to obtain the contract between the White House, the National Park Service and the Trust for the National Mall, the nonprofit managing donations for the project, and shared the document with The Post.

“The Trump administration’s failure to disclose this contract was flatly unlawful,” said Wendy Liu, a Public Citizen attorney and lead counsel on the lawsuit, filed after the Park Service and the Interior Department failed to fulfill a public records request for the document. “The American people are entitled to transparency over this multi-million-dollar project.”

The secrecy surrounding the contract mirrors the administration’s broader approach to the project. White House officials have declined to disclose the total amount raised, the identities of all donors or, until recently, basic details about the building’s design. Court documents show Trump knew he was going to tear down the East Wing at least two months before doing so, but he never told the public.

The contract provisions, taken together, allow wealthy donors with business before the federal government to contribute anonymously to a sitting president’s pet project, while exempting the White House from key conflict of interest safeguards and limiting scrutiny by Congress and the public.

“President Trump is working 24/7 to Make America Great Again, including his historic beautification of the White House, at no taxpayer expense,” White House spokesman Davis Ingle said in a statement defending the administration’s process.

White House officials said not publicly posting the agreement was standard practice for contracts involving the executive residence, citing security concerns. They also said offering anonymity for donors was standard for significant projects and framed the use of private funds as a boon for taxpayers. The administration did not respond to questions about failing to respond to the public records request for the contract or fighting the release of the document in court. Trump has said that the administration has raised about $300 million for the project.

The contract resembles templates used by the Park Service formore routine fundraising partnerships  with several notable differences: Provisions peppered throughout the agreement prevent the signatories from revealing the identities of anonymous donors, and a review process for detecting conflicts of interest with the Park Service and Interior Department makes no mention of doing the same for the president, other White House officials or the 14 other executive departments he oversees.

White House ballroom fundraising agreement

https://washingtonpost.com/documents/50de65d7-8402-4e44-a882-ae4a298f6e6c.pdf#toolbar=0&navpanes=0#scrollbar=0

Dozens of the project’s known donors — which include Amazon, Lockheed Martin, Palantir and Google — collectively have billions of dollars in federal contracts before the administration. (Amazon founder Jeff Bezos owns The Post.) Critics have argued that allowing anonymous gifts to a sitting president’s signature project creates precisely the kind of conflict the contract itself states it seeks to prevent.

“This document reveals that anonymous donations are the heart of this agreement,” said Jon Golinger, a lawyer and public policy advocate with Public Citizen. “Who are these anonymous donors, and what are they hiding?”

Charles Tiefer, a retired law professor at the University of Baltimore who spent three years on a congressionally authorized commission scrutinizing wartime contracting in Iraq and Afghanistan, said the anonymity provisions potentially setup the Trump administration to block congressional inquiries into the project’s funding.

“If Congress knocks on the door, the White House is going to slam it shut and say, ‘You’re not allowed to know these donors,’” Tiefer said.

The National Park Service did not immediately respond to questions about the agreement. The Trust for the National Mall said the Park Service asked it to accept and manage private donations for the project and that it is “not involved in the fundraising, planning, design, contracting, or execution” of the ballroom, spokeswoman Julie Moore said in an email. Donations are subject to the same vetting process the Trust uses for other Park Service projects, and donor names are disclosed in its annual report, website and tax filings, she added.

“Some donors may wish to remain anonymous and we respect donor wishes, while in compliance with all applicable laws and regulations,” Moore said.

The Trust has performed a similar role on previous White House projects, including first lady Melania Trump’s Rose Garden restoration and tennis pavilion during her husband’s first term.

The contract excludes the White House from its conflict of interest review, which explicitly obligates the Trust and the Park Service to ensure that fundraising does not give rise to “an appearance of a loss of integrity or impartiality.” But the Executive Residence at the White House, the party responsible for identifying and referring donors to the Trust — and which the Trump administration has said in court filings is helping manage the overall ballroom project — is not required to face that scrutiny.

Kathleen Clark, a government ethics lawyer and law professor at Washington University in St. Louis, called the agreement’s review process “nothing more than a sham,” because it mandates the Trust conduct a narrowly scoped conflict of interest examination while ignoring the vast majority of the federal government. Meanwhile, companies and individuals could be anonymously donating tens of millions of dollars as they stand to gain billion-dollar government contracts, want to avoid a Justice Department criminal investigation, or rid their companies of onerous labor or environmental regulations, she said.

The contract was signed as work on the ballroom project was already underway. Crews had begun clearing trees and foliage from the White House grounds in September. Twelve days after it was signed, demolition crews started tearing down the East Wing. The existence of the contract was not disclosed at the time. Trump, who says the ballroom is needed to host VIPs at larger functions, is pushing to finish it before the end of his second term in 2029.

Congressional Democrats have pressed the Trust for months to share more information about the project. Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Massachusetts) and colleagues sent a letter in January demanding to know how much money had been raised, whether donors had been promised special access or other perks, and whether the organization had internal controls to prevent preferential treatment. The Trust declined to disclose the amount raised but said it was adhering to all Park Service guidelines.

Sen. Richard Blumenthal (Connecticut), the top Democrat on the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, demanded answers from dozens of ballroom donors and contractors about their involvement and questioned the “rapidly changing and secretive terms” of Trump’s planned ballroom. He also sent letters to several people who attended a White House dinner in October, which Trump held to honor ballroom donors. Blumenthal asked whether they had contributed and under what terms, noting that the administration had acknowledged it had not publicly identified all donors.

“At every turn, President Trump has sought to conceal the facts about his monstrous multimillion-dollar ballroom,” Blumenthal said in an statement to The Post. “His Administration has kept the contract under wraps, the identities of big dollar donors secret, and the American people in the dark about what big corporations have to gain by funding this boondoggle.”

Blumenthal, Warren and other Democrats have introduced legislation to ban anonymous donations for the ballroom and other projects on the White House grounds.

“There’s only one good explanation for why Trump’s ultra-wealthy ballroom donors want to stay anonymous: They have something to hide,” Warren told The Post.

A federal judge last month also criticized the Trump administration’s approach to soliciting private donors through its contract with the Park Service, calling it a “Rube Goldberg contraption” that allowed the president to avoid congressional oversight while building the ballroom. U.S. District Judge Richard Leon, an appointee of President George W. Bush, ruled last month that construction must be halted on the ballroom until Congress authorizes the project. The Trump administration has appealed that ruling, and a three-judge panel at the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit has allowed construction to continue while the case proceeds.

The White House has repeatedly declined to release the government’s contracts with the private companies designing, engineering and building the ballroom.

Trump Is Said to Be in Talks to Send Afghans Who Aided U.S. Forces to Congo

A U.S. aid worker said that the Afghans, who were evacuated to Qatar, would face a choice between moving to the Democratic Republic of Congo and living under the Taliban.

Listen · 6:38 min

A photograph released by the U.S. Army showing Afghans being processed at Camp As Sayliyah, in Qatar, in August 2021.Credit…Sgt. Jimmie Baker/U.S. Army, via Getty Images

By Megha RajagopalanEileen Sullivan and Zolan Kanno-Youngs

Megha Rajagopalan reported from London, Eileen Sullivan from Washington and Zolan Kanno-Youngs from Islamabad, Pakistan.

April 21, 2026See more of our coverage in your search results.Add The New York Times on Google 

After halting a U.S. resettlement program for Afghans who helped the American war effort, President Trump is in talks to send as many as 1,100 of them to the Democratic Republic of Congo, an aid worker briefed on the plan said Tuesday.

The group includes interpreters for the U.S. military, former members of the Afghan Special Operations forces and family members of American service members. More than 400 children are among them.

The Afghans have been living in limbo in Qatar for over a year. They were taken there after being evacuated by the United States for their own safety because they supported American forces during the war against the Taliban that began in 2001.

Shawn VanDiver, the president of the aid group AfghanEvac, said he had been briefed on the Congo plan by State Department officials. He said that the Afghans would be given a choice between returning to live under the Taliban or being sent to Congo, which is suffering one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.

More than 600,000 refugees, mostly from the Central African Republic and Rwanda, are currently in Congo, according to the United Nations. Human rights activists say that the country is not equipped to take in more in the midst of fighting with neighboring Rwanda that has displaced even more people because of attacks on refugee camps.

“We think this is just them wanting to send these people back to Afghanistan, where they know they will face certain death,” said Mr. VanDiver. “They know that Afghans are not going to accept the D.R.C. Why would you go from the world’s No. 1 refugee crisis to the world’s No. 2 refugee crisis?”

A refugee camp near Goma, in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, last year.Credit…Guerchom Ndebo for The New York Times

The discussions highlight the longstanding tension between America’s obligation to Afghans who face grave danger in retaliation for helping U.S. forces during the war, and the Trump administration’s pledge to curtail immigration.

Much is unknown about the plans taking shape, including whether all the Afghans would go to Congo or whether deals were coming together in other countries. Negotiations like this have stalled before.

A Congolese government spokesman did not immediately respond to a message seeking comment. Tommy Pigott, a State Department spokesman, accused the Biden administration of moving hastily in bringing Afghan allies to the United States. He said the Trump administration was working to find options for the remaining Afghans.

“The American people have had to pay the price for the irresponsible way hundreds of thousands of Afghans were brought into the United States,” he said. “Our focus now is on restoring accountability by advancing responsible, voluntary resettlement options.”

American diplomats have been asking countries in Africa to take in the Afghans for months. But talks fell apart in many places, according to Mr. VanDiver and diplomats with knowledge of the discussions.

More than 190,000 Afghans who aided the U.S. effort resettled in the U.S. between August 2021 and mid-2025, after passing background checks.

But a group of more than 1,100 Afghans are being housed in a former U.S. military base in Qatar known as Camp As Sayliyah. The American government brought them there in late 2024 and promised them a path to settlement in the United States if they passed further checks.

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Qatar was intended as a stopover, but many of the Afghans found themselves in limbo after the Trump administration ended policies that would have enabled them to resettle in the United States.

“They had the expectation that within weeks they’d be relocated to the U.S.,” said Rina Amiri, a former senior diplomat working on Afghan human rights issues. “Who is going to fight alongside the U.S. when the U.S. betrays the people who stood alongside us?”

The Congo negotiations follow behind-the-scenes pressure from the Qatari government to find the remaining Afghan refugees a new home.

A Taliban flag in Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, last year.Credit…Jim Huylebroek for The New York Times

Some of the people left at the camp have been fully vetted; others have not, Mr. VanDiver said. But Mr. Trump’s immigration policies have made it impossible for any of them to come to the United States now. In November, the government froze the special visa program after a National Guard member was shot in Washington last year by an Afghan man allowed into the United States after the Taliban took power again. In January, the administration said it would close the transit camp without saying what would happen to the people there.

Many of the Afghans in Doha have told officials that they would not voluntarily agree to being sent to Congo, according to a person familiar with the planning, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe confidential discussions. Some Afghans questioned whether they would be protected there. Others asked why they would go to Congo when their loved ones are in the United States.

Andrew Sullivan, a military veteran and the executive director of No One Left Behind, a nonprofit group that has been working to resettle Afghans to America, said some had been deemed ineligible for reasons that have nothing to do with national security. For example, one woman turned 21 and is no longer eligible to be included on her father’s visa, he said.

But, he said, the administration has other options available to bring them to the United States, including the ability to issue exemptions to the policy.

“Our belief is that if, if they can pass security vetting, they should be coming to the United States,” Mr. Sullivan said. “If they can’t, and they’re not going to come to the United States, I do believe the U.S. government has an obligation to ensure that they’re going to a third country where they’re going to be secure, they’re going to be supported, and there aren’t ongoing humanitarian rights issues.”

American diplomats have been meeting with Democratic Republic of Congo officials for months. Recently, the Trump administration struck an agreement with the country to accept migrants from other countries who face deportation from the United States. Part of that deal included a $50 million grant to the U.N. refugee agency to provide assistance in the country.

Discussions over the Afghans are separate from the deportation deal, but both are examples of what has become a hallmark of Mr. Trump’s immigration strategy: moving people to faraway places, even when those countries have human rights abuses or authoritarian governments.

Pranav Baskar in New York contributed reporting.

Megha Rajagopalan is an international investigative reporter based in London.

Eileen Sullivan is a Times reporter covering the changes to the federal work force under the Trump administration.

Zolan Kanno-Youngs is a White House correspondent for The Times, covering President Trump and his administration.

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Trump Tower is one thing. Trump on US currency is another. Here’s why

Swapna Venugopal Ramaswamy

USA TODAY

WASHINGTON – In a rare 1994 interview, President Donald Trump’s mother described the first time her husband, New York developer Fred Trump, saw the black personal helicopter their son had bought.

“Of course, my husband, first thing he saw was the helicopter said TRUMP on it. He was satisfied,” the late Mary MacLeod Trump said, laughing, in an interview with Raidió Teilifís Éireann, Ireland’s public service broadcaster.

The president is very much his father’s son.

Throughout his career as a businessman, Trump has tended to view all manner of tangible things as branding opportunities – putting his name on hotels, golf courses, wines and steaks. Even a Bible.

In his second term as POTUS, Trump has sought to burnish his legacy by naming governmental entities after himself, too. But what passes for branding in commercial circles is antithetical to democratic values when a sitting president puts his name on federal property and policy initiatives, say experts.More: Donald Trump’s ‘Triumphal Arch’ design revealed

Enabled by his appointees and admirers, the 79-year-old commander-in-chief’s name has been inserted into decades-old establishments such as the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts and the U.S. Institute of Peace. He’s also slapped his name on key policies including TrumpRX, Trump Gold Card, Trump Coin and Trump Accounts.

Federal buildings, including the Department of Labor, Department of Agriculture and Department of Justice, unfurled large banners with Trump’s face on them over the past few months.

Lawmakers have sought to cater to Trump’s ego with legislation to put him on Mount Rushmore.

The latest canvas? The Treasury Department announced in March that Trump’s signature will appear on future U.S. paper currency in honor of the country’s 250th anniversary.

“There is no more powerful way to recognize the historic achievements of our great country and President Donald J. Trump than U.S dollar bills bearing his name, and it is only appropriate that this historic currency be issued at the Semiquincentennial,” said Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent in a statement.

Trump takes Manhattan

His penchant for naming things after himself comes as no surprise to Barbara Res, a former executive vice president at Trump Organization who oversaw construction. She worked on major projects like Trump Tower in the 1980s.

“He got it from his father, Fred Trump,” Res said of the elder Trump, a developer who built thousands of apartments and row houses in Queens and Brooklyn following World War II. His biggest project, Trump Village, built in 1964, was the first project to bear the family name.

“He (the president) was raised to believe that he was different and his family was different. And by different, I mean better than and more important than anyone else,” said Res, who worked as a close adviser to Trump for 18 years, from the late 1970s to early 1990s.

While his father’s business was restricted to the outer boroughs, Queens-raised Donald Trump set his sights on Manhattan. He made waves with his transformation of the crumbling Hotel Commodore into the Grand Hyatt in the 1970s. The first building to feature the family name in gold letters was his second project – Trump Tower on Fifth Avenue, which completed construction in 1983.

By 2015, more than 15 buildings in New York City bore the Trump name – though some of the signs have since been taken down by building associations.

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“He put his name on any building he built while I was there,” Res said, adding that a super yacht he bought from a Saudi billionaire was renamed the “Trump Princess.”

When he bought Eastern Air Lines Shuttle from Texas Air Corporation in 1988, he renamed the fleet Trump Shuttle.

What was her take on the naming spree?

“So what is the best possible, highest-quality, most luxurious, most important name? Seriously – Trump,” Res said with a sarcastic laugh.

Reminiscent of authoritarian regimes, experts say

What’s branding in business is problematic in governance.

Trump plastering his name and likeness on federal initiatives and real estate is reminiscent of authoritarian regimes, and central to developing the “personality cult,” experts say.

For instance, portraits of Kim II Sung, the founder and supreme leader of North Korea, and Kim Jong Il, the father of current leader Kim Jong Un, are mandatory in public places like train stations, hospitals, schools and factories.

Images of Joseph Stalin, the leader of the Soviet Union from the late 1920s to 1953, appeared everywhere during that period, emblazoned across buildings and lining the streets, carried in parades and woven into carpets, according to art historian Anita Pisch, who analyzed the construction of Joseph Stalin’s public persona in her book, “The Personality Cult of Stalin in Soviet Posters, 1929–1953: Archetypes, Inventions and Fabrications.”

“Modern personality cults are possible due to the capability to disseminate images of the leader” far and wide and saturate public spaces with “cult products,” Pisch writes in her book.

Throughout history, when countries begin putting their living leaders on their currency or their flag, or hanging their leaders’ pictures everywhere, that’s almost always associated with autocracy, said Jeffrey Engel, founding director of the Center for Presidential History at Southern Methodist University in Dallas.

“The leader is the state is what those messages are trying to convey,” he said. “And in our country, the leader’s not the state, the people are the state.”

‘There is no precedent in American history’

Engel, who has authored or edited 13 books on American foreign policy, said there are two reasons why presidents’ names are traditionally only added to buildings and other things after their death.

“First, because it’s gauche,” he said. “Second, more importantly, this is still a constitutional republic.”

Even presidents who thought very highly of themselves still recognized that they were only temporarily holding the office, Engel said: “Basically, from the moment they got it, they were keeping it warm for the next person.”

“I’ve run out of synonyms for the word unprecedented when it comes to Trump,” said Engel. “There is no precedent in American history, even for most egoistic presidents to put their own names on things.”

Trump has often pointed to name changes as being someone else’s idea. With the Trump-Kennedy center, he said it was the board who decided it. After removing all 18 members of the board, he handpicked members to fill the seats and installed himself as the chairman.

“He has made it very clear that the way to power and influence in his administration is to praise and compliment him,” said Engel. “So of course the people he appoints are going to do that.”

Trump has said the $400 million White House ballroom, which is being financed by private donors and American companies, is expected to be completed by 2028, before he leaves office.

So far, the president has not revealed what the 90,000-square-foot addition he has championed would be named if it clears legal obstacles.

Asked if he had any guesses, Engel said: “I would bet my mortgage that the word Trump is in the name of the ballroom somewhere.”

Swapna Venugopal Ramaswamy is a White House correspondent for USA TODAY. You can follow her on X @SwapnaVenugopal.

Officials Release Design for 250-Foot Arch in Washington, as Trump Seeks Another Imprint – The New York Times

The president has proposed the arch, which would rise on a Washington roundabout across from the Lincoln Memorial, as a way to celebrate America’s 250th anniversary.

Listen · 2:37 min

A rendering released by the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts of plans for a 250-foot triumphal arch in Washington.Credit…U.S. Commission of Fine Arts

By Luke Broadwater

April 10, 2026See more of our coverage in your search results.Add The New York Times on Google 

The Trump administration on Friday released its latest plan for a 250-foot triumphal arch that would stand off one end of the Arlington Memorial Bridge by the Potomac River, the president’s latest step to leave his permanent mark on Washington.

The drawings were submitted to the Commission of Fine Arts, a federal design panel that President Trump has stacked with allies. It will consider the project’s design at its meeting next week.

The president has proposed the arch, which would rise on a Washington roundabout near the border with Virginia, across the river from the Lincoln Memorial, as a way to celebrate America’s 250th anniversary and cement his legacy as president.

The renderings show the arch bearing two eagles and a golden, winged angel on top, somewhat resembling the Arc de Triomphe in Paris. The words “One Nation Under God” appear above the arch on one side, and “Liberty and Justice for All” on the other, the only text visible in the design. The drawings of the arch were credited to Harrison Design, an architecture firm with an office in Washington.

Mr. Trump displayed models of the proposed arch at a White House fund-raising dinner in October for another of his projects to reshape Washington’s map, the planned $400 million White House ballroom. The president said the angel on top of the models was Lady Liberty.

“Small, medium and large — whichever one, they look good,” Mr. Trump said at the dinner, holding out the models. “I happen to think the larger one looks, by far, the best.”

Mr. Trump has taken a number of actions to remake Washington in his image and remodel the White House, including covering the Oval Office in gold and paving the grass of the Rose Garden. The president is also planning a National Garden of American Heroes with 250 statues.

But the most dramatic step was his sudden demolition last fall of the White House’s East Wing to make way for his planned 90,000-square-foot ballroom. The unveiling of the arch design on Friday came as Democrats rebuked the president over the acceptance of foreign donations for the ballroom. A federal judge has ordered that project halted unless approved by Congress, and the Trump administration has appealed the ruling.

A group of Vietnam War veterans has sued to stop the arch’s construction as well, citing congressional authority and arguing the arch would obstruct the view between the Lincoln Memorial and Arlington National Cemetery.

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Luke Broadwater covers the White House for The Times.

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The White House Is Keeping Kristi Noem’s $70 Million Jet

The first lady will be among those who would have access to the plane, officials familiar with the matter say

By Michelle HackmanFollow

 and Josh DawseyFollow

Updated April 7, 2026 3:07 pm ET

Kristi Noem testifying to Congress last month when she was still Homeland Security Secretary. Mandel Ngan/AFP/Getty Images

Quick Summary

  • The Trump administration is keeping a controversial $70 million jet, leased by former DHS Secretary Kristi Noem, for first lady and cabinet travel.View more

President Trump has ousted Kristi Noem from the Department of Homeland Security, but his administration is hanging on to the controversial $70 million jet she leased during her tenure, according to a department spokeswoman and other officials familiar with the matter.

The administration plans to use the plane, which is nicer than most other government jets, for travel by select cabinet secretaries, some of the officials said. First lady Melania Trump’s office would also have access to the jet, the officials said.

The plane first gained attention as an element of the vast spending at DHS under Noem, who initially leased it primarily for her personal travel around the country with top aide Corey Lewandowski, The Wall Street Journal reported. Noem had planned to purchase it, and in paperwork, it had been earmarked for “high-profile deportations” in addition to cabinet-level travel.

Trump fired Noem last month, telling advisers that he was tired of the infighting and drama at her department and upset over her congressional testimony, in which she said Trump had signed off on other controversial spending at the department. Former Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R., Okla.) was confirmed last month as her replacement.

Officials with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which was handling the jet’s purchase, thought plans to buy it would then be shelved, agency officials said.

But following Noem’s ouster, the White House wanted to move ahead, and has taken it away from DHS’s control, the officials said. The plane’s use is now approved by top White House officials instead of officials at DHS.

The plane ultimately cost about $70 million, a DHS spokeswoman confirmed.

“ICE purchased this plane before Secretary Mullin was confirmed,” the spokeswoman said in a statement. “This aircraft will be available to cabinet members who need secure command and control and rapid long-range mobility.”

A White House spokeswoman referred a request for comment to DHS. 

Some administration officials and outside supporters have wondered why ICE money—which Congress bolstered last year to pay for Trump’s promised mass deportation—would be spent on a plane that isn’t going to be used for immigration enforcement.

“Wasting tens of millions of dollars on a luxury jet that won’t remove a single illegal alien is offensive,” said RJ Hauman, the director of the National Immigration Center for Enforcement or NICE, an outside group that has been pushing the administration to go further with its deportation efforts. 

The plane features a queen bed, showers, a kitchen, four large flat-screen TVs and even a bar, according to people familiar with the marketing. NBC News earlier reported the plane’s features and a brochure of them. 

In recent months, White House officials have asked the cabinet to curb their travel, saying they should instead be focused on campaigning for the GOP ahead of the midterm elections. 

The plane isn’t as expensive as Air Force One, which has a full office and bedroom, kitchens and other high-tech components. But it appears to have more amenities than most other government jets. Air Force Two, which is used by the vice president, for example, has a pullout couch bed but doesn’t have other features of the new jet.

Some former officials questioned how the administration could buy a luxury jet without Congress approving of it. The administration “started with promises of cutting wasteful spending,” Marc Short, a former chief of staff to Vice President Mike Pence, said.

Trump recently accepted a luxury jet from the Qatari government, which is being overhauled. He is expected to begin using the plane this summer, the Journal has reported. Trump has raised concerns in the past about the current fleet of Air Force One planes, administration officials said.

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Appeared in the April 8, 2026, print edition as ‘Administration Is Keeping Noem’s $70 Million Airplane’.

Michelle Hackman is a reporter in The Wall Street Journal’s Washington bureau, where she covers U.S. immigration policy. Her coverage includes writing about the southern border, legal and employment-based immigration, refugee resettlement, care of unaccompanied children, immigration enforcement and relevant legislation on Capitol Hill. Previously, she wrote about health and education policy in Washington.

Michelle first joined the Journal in 2016 and is a graduate of Yale University. She can be reached on Signal at the username mhackman.59. Follow

Josh Dawsey is a political investigations and enterprise reporter for The Wall Street Journal. He most recently worked as a political enterprise and investigations reporter for the Washington Post. He joined the Post in 2017 and previously covered the White House.

Josh was part of a team of journalists who won the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service in 2022 for the newspaper’s coverage of Jan. 6 and won the 2024 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for the newspaper’s coverage of the role of the AR-15 in American life. He also is a two-time recipient of the White House Correspondents Association award for news reporting. He is also a lecturer at the Allbritton Journalism Institute.

Josh is a proud graduate of the University of South Carolina and the enthusiastic owner of a rambunctious rescue dog named Pepper.Follow

State Judges Turn to Guns in New Era of Judicial Threats

A Times examination reveals thousands of threats against state judges, in addition to assaults and fatal attacks. Judges say local law enforcement agencies often can’t offer adequate protection.


CreditCredit…Bethlehem Feleke, Josh Hansbrough and Caroline Kim

By Katie J.M. Baker

The reporter interviewed judges and law enforcement officials and requested data from all 50 states, analyzing court, police and legislative records to document rising threats.

In an animated video, a man in an American-flag-print face mask who called himself “the Patriot” tracked his target, Judge Jennifer Johnson, with a hatchet in his hand.

The man followed a cartoon version of the judge, who sits on a county court in rural Florida, down a sidewalk as he muttered insults about her appearance and shared personal details about her marriage and children. Then he announced that it was “takedown time.”

“Judge Johnson, let’s bury the hatchet,” the man said, striking his virtual target in the back until she fell to the ground. Then he swapped the hatchet for a gun and shot her in the head. As blood pooled around her corpse, the man celebrated her “execution.”

Judge Johnson knew exactly who had made the video, which was uploaded to YouTube and TikTok in September 2023. The man had been threatening her since soon after she heard his child dependency case in 2016, at one point calling her “target number one.” But local authorities had told her that his incessant social media posts and phone calls were too legally “gray” to act on, she said.

So she bought a gun, as the sheriff had already advised her to do, and enrolled in courses to learn how to shoot it. When the video was posted, she installed a home security system, altered her daily travel routes and stopped sitting with her back to the door in restaurants or in the same pew at church.

“I was treated like threats were part of the job,” Judge Johnson said. “But it should not be a part of the job description to deal with threats of violence against your person. I didn’t sign up for that.”

For judges across the country, threats and harassment have become an inescapable occupational hazard. The Department of Homeland Security issued a nationwide alert late last year to law enforcement agencies: Harassment of judges has surged, and the trend is likely to continue.

The New York Times has identified thousands of threats targeting state judges in the past three years alone, among more than 14,000 broader security incidents involving state courts and their employees across the country. These figures offer a look at a problem that has historically gone uncounted because of a lack of record-keeping; they almost certainly understate the true scale, given that many states fail to formally track the issue.

Some of the violence is high-profile: In January, Judge Steven Meyer and his wife survived a shooting at their home in Lafayette, Ind., an attack that the police said was orchestrated by a defendant in an upcoming domestic battery case. In 2023, a Maryland state judge was shot and killed in his driveway, and in 2022, a retired Wisconsin state judge was killed in another targeted home attack.

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But many more incidents never reach the public. Records show that state judges have been subjected to stalking, death threats, physical assaults and assassination plots. They have reported being struck in the head, shot and pelted with feces.

Judge Jennifer Johnson started receiving threats from a man after she was one of the judges who reviewed his 2016 child dependency case.Credit…Zack Wittman for The New York Times

Threats are also on the rise against federal judges, of which there are around 2,700. Such threats have more than doubled in four years, from 224 cases in 2021 to 564 in 2025, according to the U.S. Marshals Service.

But there is no centralized security force that tracks threats against the estimated 30,000 state judges who are on the front lines of some of the most contentious cases in the country. Nor is there the same mandate to protect them.

Federal judges benefit from high-level threat monitoring and subsidized professional home security systems. But state judges typically rely on local law enforcement agencies for help and pay out of their own pockets for those services.

In interviews, some state judges said they had spent thousands of dollars to protect their homes after receiving death threats. Many said they felt that local authorities were not equipped to properly investigate such threats, and that they themselves were not given enough security training. Several state judges said that local authorities had admitted to not having the resources to protect them at all times and advised them to arm themselves. A 2024 judicial survey of hundreds of state judges found that nearly a third of respondents reported carrying a gun for protection since taking the bench.

Ever since she took the bench as a lower-court judge in 1998, Chief Justice Loretta Rush of the Indiana Supreme Court has been the subject of harassment, including threats of vehicle sabotage, a bomb scare and graphic threats to burn her alive.

Justice Rush said that judges had always been targeted but that she had never seen a climate like the present. The danger isn’t just personal, she said, but a structural threat to the American legal system.

“The idea of shooting a judge because of the role they have fundamentally affects what it means to live in a free society,” Justice Rush said.

There is no conclusive research on why threats against judges are on the rise, although they are part of a larger national trend of rising political violence. Some federal judges have pointed to President Trump’s rhetoric — he has slammed judges as “disloyal” and recently called on lawmakers to pass a crime bill that “cracks down on rogue judges.” But other judges said they did not blame Mr. Trump and instead pointed to a broader, corrosive distrust of public institutions and increased partisan tribalism. Judges in rural areas where everyone knows everyone say they feel particularly vulnerable.

Even when harassment does not escalate to physical harm, the psychological toll can be profound. It may be difficult for judges to be impartial if their decision-making is clouded by concern for their or their family’s safety.

“These threats affect the independence of our judiciary and people’s willingness to serve,” said Julie Kocurek, a state court judge in Texas. In 2015, she survived an assassination attempt in her own driveway by a man who had a case pending in her court. Local authorities had been made aware of a death threat the man had made shortly before, but dismissed it as “not credible,” a police officer later testified at trial. The shooting resulted in extensive wounds to her face and body and the loss of a finger.

Judge Julie Kocurek survived an assassination attempt in her own driveway by a man who had previously had a case in her court.Credit…Brenda Ladd Photography

The Times requested data on threats directed at judges from all 50 states from 2020 to 2025. Many do not track that information systematically. However, an analysis of 15 states that provided specific data on judicial threats revealed a surge, with threats climbing in all but two of them.

In Texas, general court-security-related incidents, which include seized weapons, disorderly conduct and physical assaults, jumped from 447 in 2023 to 2,129 in 2025. In New York, judicial security investigations more than doubled from 204 cases in 2020 to a peak of 514 in 2024, and remained at high levels with 487 new cases opened in 2025. In New Jersey, threats against judges have climbed from 444 in 2023 to 550 in 2025. In Pennsylvania, threats against judicial officials have grown from 104 in 2022 to more than 200 annually ever since.

And even before the shooting in Indiana, a 2023 court survey of 214 judges in that state found that 159 had been the subject of threats, with jurists reporting litigants who brandished firearms during remote proceedings or vowed to set them on fire.

Ron Zayas, the chief executive of Ironwall, a company that contracts with courts to provide data protection and security services, said the number of what he considered credible threats of violence against the state judges his company supports rose by more than 40 percent in recent years. Death threats among them have increased by 65 percent since 2024, with women and judges of color bearing a disproportionate burden.

In interviews, surveys and legislative testimony, judges recounted confrontations at churches, election sites and hair salons. Despite some legislative efforts to shield judges’ privacy, in many states their homes remain vulnerable targets. Incident reports from just the last six months in New Mexico, for example, revealed a plot to assassinate a jurist at his home, coordinated over jail phones, and a separate case in which a woman tracked down a judge’s personal address to confront her over a custody issue.

Judges consistently report feeling inadequately protected. In a 2024 randomized national survey published in Court Review, the quarterly journal of the American Judges Association, more than half of 398 state judges who responded reported receiving threats of harm. One judge reported receiving a letter threatening the rape and murder of her family, but said the police didn’t follow up on it; another reported sleeping with a shotgun for about two weeks before authorities arrested a neighbor who had threatened to infiltrate his home.

Half of the judges surveyed reported receiving less than a day of official security training, far less than what the U.S. Marshals offer federal judges.

In 2024, after the murder of a retired judge by a former defendant, Wisconsin jurists testified in support of a package of security bills. The Wisconsin court system documented 232 threats against judges in the year preceding the hearing, 114 of which were direct threats of physical harm or death.

One judge described an attempt by a divorce litigant to hire a hit man from jail, while another recounted how litigants had photographed her home and scared her children. Another judge testified that a man who had also tracked down her home address online entered the courthouse and left her a pound of leaking raw meat accompanied by a note: “Here is some burger to fry and burn like you burned me.”

In interviews, judges across the country described having to take measures to protect themselves because local law enforcement agencies did not have sufficient resources.

Vivian Medinilla, who recently retired as a state judge in Delaware, said she and her staff began receiving telephone calls with death threats against her and her children in 2021, but state court security would not act on them, telling her that they did not rise to the level of a crime. After she thought she heard someone in the back of her home, she purchased and installed her own home security system. She said she wished the authorities had conducted even a cursory investigation.

“Follow up and come back and tell me that you at least looked into it,” she said. The state agency that oversees Delaware court security declined to comment on her account.

Judge Carroll Kelly, who presides over domestic violence cases in Miami, received threats from an Army veteran last year after she issued a risk protection order that temporarily took away his firearms.

County law enforcement officials posted a patrol car outside her house after she learned of the threat. The next morning, they notified her that they believed the man had driven past her house in the middle of the night. A multiagency team gave her a blunt assessment: “If he wants to get you, he is so highly trained, he’s going to get you,” she recalled.

Terrified, Judge Kelly packed a bag and decamped to a hotel for five days. Soon law enforcement officials delivered more bad news: They were sorry they couldn’t guard her home indefinitely and said she should think about getting a gun. She ultimately paid out of pocket to install an expensive home security system.

“We have no resources for judges when this happens,” she said. “We’re really out there alone.”

When Judge Johnson joined the Dixie County court in Florida in 2015, the small-town dynamics there made her a direct target for those unhappy with her decisions.

Family law is the most dangerous judicial assignment, experts say, because the intimate nature of domestic disputes can pose a greater risk of targeted violence, especially when adjudicated in small-town courthouses without tight security. Judge Johnson said she had received other threats, but Christopher Cambron, the man who would later call himself “the Patriot,” stood out from the rest.

Mr. Cambron had started threatening her after she heard his 2016 child dependency case, a civil court proceeding that determines whether a child requires the protection of the state. She had issued a security order against him after he threatened state child protection team workers, inspiring his fury. The harassment persisted for years.

He called Judge Johnson’s office and left rambling, vitriolic messages about her appearance and her divorce, she said. She became even more alarmed, she said, when he attacked her on social media, called her an “inbred pig” and said judges like her needed to die. None of his threats were specific enough to warrant a law enforcement response, Judge Johnson said the sheriff’s office told her.

But in the September 2023 video, Mr. Cambron declared that the time to execute Judge Johnson was “today.” He somehow knew how Judge Johnson wore her hair when she wasn’t in court — up in a ponytail, instead of down and blow-dried.

Still, the authorities did not take action. Because Mr. Cambron had moved to Louisiana by then, local authorities told her they didn’t have jurisdiction, so Judge Johnson spent months pressuring a state-level law enforcement agency to help. Judge Johnson said she pleaded with them to conduct a simple “knock and talk” check at his home to assess how serious a threat he posed.

The Dixie County Sheriff’s Office and the Florida Department of Law Enforcement did not respond to requests for comment.

There is a high bar for what constitutes a true threat under the First Amendment. But the police don’t always have the staff, resources and training to fully determine whether a threat is credible. Even the most well-meaning local police departments are organized around making arrests after a crime occurs instead of intervening earlier to neutralize threats beforehand, said John Muffler, a retired U.S. Marshal who is now a private security consultant.

“I hate to say it, because I respect the law tremendously, but I don’t think that they took it seriously,” Judge Johnson said.

John Muffler, a retired U.S. Marshal who is now a private security consultant.Credit…Zack Wittman for The New York Times

But Judge Johnson continued to push. In February 2024, five months after the video was posted, a Louisiana police officer knocked on Mr. Cambron’s door.

He readily admitted to the officer that he had created the video, according to police records of his interview. His goal, he said, was to inspire “fear.”

But the police officer’s visit changed the investigation’s momentum. “He came back and was like, ‘No, no, this is legitimate,’” Judge Johnson recalled. “And the fire got lit.”

Mr. Cambron was arrested and extradited back to Florida, where he was charged with “written or electronic threat to kill.” A jury convicted him and he was sentenced to 15 years in state prison.

During the trial, the defense argued that Mr. Cambron was “trying to redress his grievances” through the video, as was his constitutional right.

“The First Amendment is very valuable, and most of all for people saying unpopular things, especially things that criticize people in power,” said his lawyer, Yancey Burnett, in a recent interview. “And if we can’t do that, then the First Amendment doesn’t mean that much.”

In court, the prosecution countered that the Constitution did not give people the right to terrorize others. “You do not have the freedom to claim that you’re going to execute someone,” the prosecutor told the jury.

Some states find the political will to enact tougher judicial security measures only after a tragedy occurs.

Following the murders of judges in both states, Maryland and Wisconsin enacted laws in 2024 to, in part, scrub jurists’ home addresses from the internet and establish more centralized systems to track threats before they turn deadly. Texas offers some of the country’s strongest protections for state judges because of the near-fatal failure in Judge Kocurek’s case.

The 2020 murder of U.S. District Judge Esther Salas’s son, Daniel Anderl, by a gunman at their home in New Jersey became the catalyst for a namesake federal law that helps judges remove their personal data from the internet. But there is still no comprehensive national legislation. This year, a bipartisan group of lawmakers hopes to pass a bill that would establish a national resource center providing state courts with more technical assistance and threat-tracking infrastructure.

But the most difficult shift, judges said, may be cultural: moving away from the idea that threats are a standard occupational hazard.

After Mr. Cambron’s conviction, Judge Johnson began speaking out for the first time, sharing her story at judicial conferences. She said she was stunned by the flood of colleagues who came forward with their own accounts.

I’m not going to tell you where that line is between viable threat and First Amendment, because judges fight for the First Amendment and the Constitution,” said Judge Johnson. “But I wish the public understood that these aren’t just threats to judges. They are threats to authority, democracy and our nation.”

Georgia Gee contributed research. Steven Rich contributed data reporting. Nicholas Bogel-Burroughs contributed reporting.

Katie J.M. Baker is a national investigative correspondent for The Times.Read 40 comments


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The Next Phase of the Immigration Crackdown Is Quieter — and More Destabilizing

Credit…Photo illustration by Chantal Jahchan

By Jia Lynn Yang

April 10, 2026, 5:01 a.m. ETSee more of our coverage in your search results.Add The New York Times on Google 

At his Senate confirmation hearing in March to become the next secretary of homeland security, Markwayne Mullin explained how his tenure would be different from that of his attention-seeking predecessor, Kristi Noem. “My goal in six months is that we’re not in the lead story every single day,” Mullin said.

Gone for now are the concentrated surges into American cities leading to dramatic — and sometimes deadly — clashes between immigration agents and protesters. Mass raids of Home Depot parking lots in search of undocumented day laborers are no longer routine. Immigration enforcement officials continue to deport nearly 1,000 people a day, many of them with no criminal record. But the Trump administration is also ramping up another strategy: to take apart immigrants’ lives, piece by piece, until they decide to leave the country altogether.

In February, the Department of Housing and Urban Development proposed a new federal rule blocking “mixed status” families from living in publicly subsidized housing, which could cause an estimated 80,000 people to lose their homes, including about 37,000 children, nearly all of them U.S. citizens. Starting in March, roughly 200,000 immigrants began losing their commercial driver’s licenses, under a new ban on truckers who are asylum seekers, refugees or undocumented immigrants who arrived as children. The Trump administration has reportedly weighed an order that would require banks to verify their customers’ citizenship status. Access to capital has already been curtailed. Starting last month, noncitizens can no longer obtain small business loans through the federal government, even if they are here legally.

Stephen Miller, the architect of Trump’s anti-immigration agenda, is lobbying Republican-led states to cut off services. In a meeting last month in Washington, he asked Texas lawmakers why they had not already passed a bill ending public education funding for undocumented children.

In this, the administration is learning a lesson familiar to past presidents of both parties: Millions of people without the right papers are deeply embedded in American society. Even with the world’s most expansive — and expanding — deportation apparatus, the United States does not have remotely enough bureaucratic bandwidth to remove immigrants en masse. And as the public turns against the administration’s most visible, aggressive methods, it’s no surprise it is resorting to another strategy.

Self-deportation is an idea with deep roots. Well before the United States established its first immigration court, the government systematically pressured people to leave by making their lives intolerable. But perhaps no president has made self-deportation such an explicit policy, or taken it to such extreme lengths, as Trump. The Department of Homeland Security regularly trumpets a standing offer to pay $2,600 to any immigrant who exits the country, more than double the sum being offered a year ago. “Home is just a few clicks away!” the department posted on X last month, while also offering a free flight to a home country.

As the Trump administration shifts its strategy away from audacious, citywide raids, it seeks to apply pressure at every point of contact between immigrants and the government, using the country’s vast bureaucracy. But the most important tool for encouraging self-deportation today is the same as it was more than a century ago: fear.

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Asian immigrants on a trans-Pacific liner, waiting to pass through a quarantine inspection before being allowed into California, in 1924.Credit…Getty Images

Immigrants decide to leave this country all the time. They might have always had temporary designs on the United States, a place to simply earn a degree or save some money. A 2010 study found that about one-third of immigrants eventually return to their home country.

Others make the decision less freely. Many unauthorized immigrants, when confronted by a government agent, are pressured to leave rather than fight an official deportation order and risk detention. Adam Goodman, author of “The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Expelling Immigrants” and a professor at the University of Illinois Chicago, estimates that about 85 percent of all deportations in U.S. history fall into this category.

Self-deportations are a hazier, unofficial category. The immigrants who self-deport may never cross paths with an agent of the government, making them nearly impossible to count. They may even be in the country legally. And while historians have documented that some leave because their neighbors made their daily lives miserable, many are undeterred.

Going back to the colonial era, there have been efforts to pressure people into self-deporting. In the late 19th century, state and local officials on the West Coast passed laws designed to make Chinese immigrants leave: denying them admission to hospitals and public schools, banning their firecrackers and ceremonial gongs. When these measures didn’t substantially reduce the Chinese population, or temper the anger of white residents, Congress passed the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, which restricted Chinese immigration and expanded the government’s power to deport.

Citizens still turned to racial terror: They set fire to Chinese businesses and homes, erected gallows, hung effigies and even murdered Chinese residents. In 1885 and 1886, at least 168 communities drove out their Chinese residents with mob violence, the historian Beth Lew-Williams writes in her book “The Chinese Must Go.” Yet all these threats ultimately yielded only partial results. Many Chinese decided to stay in the country. And despite the ban, unauthorized immigrants continued to arrive.

At the turn of the 20th century, amid a nationwide anti-immigrant panic, the federal government passed laws to restrict immigration and deport more people. In 1924, Congress established the Border Patrol. But self-deportation endured; it was too convenient a method when the number of unwanted people outstripped the government’s resources. It also became intertwined with the formal deportation system: Officials learned that the more terrifying they made the prospect of deportation, the fewer people they would have to remove.

During the Great Depression, local officials across the country blamed Mexican Americans for the sudden lack of jobs. State and federal agents worked together to conduct surprise sweeps designed to terrify people into leaving. One local director of immigration in Los Angeles explained that while “the machinery set up for deportation would be entirely inadequate on a large scale,” he believed that “with a little deportation publicity, a large number of these aliens, actuated by guilty self-consciousness, would move south and over the line on their own accord particularly if stimulated by a few arrests.” Between 1929 and 1939, at least half a million people left the country, according to Goodman.

Half a century later, the West Coast again played host to the old idea. Anti-immigrant feeling swelled in California as the state faced an economic downturn and rising unauthorized Mexican migration. In 1994, California passed Proposition 187, which barred hospitals and schools from serving undocumented immigrants. Federal courts would eventually strike down the law, but many states followed suit. At the time, the national effort was pushed by Kris Kobach, a conservative law professor who later became Kansas’ secretary of state, who argued that with a full-blown self-deportation policy, the country could halve its undocumented population. And the government would not need to remove anyone “at gunpoint,” as Kobach explained in an interview, calling his self-deportation plan “a more humane way.”

In 2010, Arizona passed a landmark anti-immigration bill that was unmistakably designed with self-deportation in mind. Lawmakers declared in the text of the bill that “the intent of this act is to make attrition through enforcement,” borrowing from the title of a 2008 paper by Kobach on self-deportation. The law allowed the police to demand “papers” if they suspected a person was undocumented. The police could also arrest a person without a warrant if they suspected the person should be deported. Elements of this law, too, would be struck down by courts, but not before it had its intended effect. An estimated 100,000 Hispanic residents left Arizona the year the law was passed, though some might have left because the state was in the middle of a recession.

Under the second Trump administration, the federal government is making national policy from the ideas that drove the California and Arizona laws. Trump’s Big Beautiful Bill, passed last summer, cut health care benefits for immigrants, including many who are here legally. It also imposed a 1 percent tax on remittances and significantly raised fees for immigrants seeking humanitarian protection through due process.

But the most powerful incentive for self-deportation, in the past and today, is the legal deportation process itself. In expanding the number of immigration agents and warehouses, Trump’s bill fortified a national architecture of fear, one that is reinforced daily by the reports — in the news media and by word of mouth — of inedible foodinadequate medical care and the denial of religious rituals in detention centers.

Immigrants boarding a bus for deportation to Mexico in 1949.Credit…Los Angeles Times, via Getty Images

But does terrifying people into leaving the country work? Only partly, and it’s difficult to measure. Those who go of their own accord tend to leave no paper trail. A CNN report last month found that only 72,000 had taken the Trump administration’s much-advertised financial incentives to self-deport — nowhere near the promised 2.2 million.

Most people cling to their lives in the United States — however difficult they become — because they can no longer imagine being anywhere else. Nearly half of the country’s undocumented immigrants have lived here for two decades or more. More than 30 percent are homeowners. And the more difficult it becomes to traverse the border, the less likely some people are to leave, for fear that they won’t be able to return.

“Some people more risk-averse will leave, and the ones who stay will be terrified,” says K-Sue Park, a law professor at the University of California, Los Angeles, who argues that the threat of deportation is a way to keep certain people, especially low-paid workers, in check. “They won’t be able to do anything. They won’t even attempt to exercise any of the rights they might exercise.”

A self-deportation campaign of fear can still reshape the country, though. What such policies succeed most in doing is driving undocumented people further underground. They vanish from schools and churches, retreating to an ever smaller circle of daily life. They avoid seeking basic medical care, including vaccinations that are important for protecting the health of the broader public. They are more likely to drive without insurance or a license, making roads less safe for everyone.

And the terror spreads well beyond those who are ostensibly being targeted. By definition, the net is broad, catching far more people than the number who can be deported. The threat of profiling based on race and ethnicity — now permitted by the Supreme Court — has led some citizens to carry their passports with them. Green card holders, once close legal kin to citizens, are being advised by their lawyers to take extra precautions when they leave the country and return. A decades-old misdemeanor charge, however minor, can now lead to detention. As the country has seen, people with green cards, student visas and temporary protected status — legitimate under one president, then void under another — have discovered the fragility of their status.

With Trump retreating for now from showy street-level crackdown, self-deportation is the growing shadow zone of our immigration system, in which threats and intimidation operate where the law will not or cannot go. It is less visible by design. But whether or not people decide to leave this country, the fear that has been let loose is here to stay.

Jia Lynn Yang is a senior Times writer.

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